Letter · 28 December 50 BC · in Formiano

Ad Atticum 7.8

Ad Atticum 7.8

Headnote

Cicero to Atticus, written from his Formian villa on the sixth or fifth day before the Kalends of January, i.e. 27 or 28 December 50 BC (Perseus dateline: Scr. in Formiano vi aut v K. Ian. a. 704 (50)). The report letter after a face-to-face meeting with Pompey: the political content of the cluster suddenly thickens, because for the first time in months Cicero has spoken with the man he is bound to follow.

The first three sections discharge domestic items. He drops the Dionysius quarrel on Atticus’s say-so; he is glad Atticus can come to him at the Alban villa, but begs him not to make the journey if the quartan is on him; and he turns over, as a politikon skemma “civic problem,” whether Dolabella, just installed as Tullia’s husband, ought to take a new name under Livia’s will. The lawyer’s note is characteristic: settle the principle once we know the actual sum involved (“how much, so to speak, lies in a third of a third”).

Section 4 is the heart. Pompey caught up with him at Lavernium on the 26th and the two rode on to Formiae, where from the eighth hour to evening (about 2 p.m. until dark) they conferred in private. The headline finding: Pompey does not wish for a peaceful settlement. Either Caesar, even on dismissing his army, would be a consul who would produce sunchusin tēs politeias, “a dissolution of the constitution”; or, hearing of the preparations against him, he would simply hold on to province and army. Pompey is confident in his own forces and in the commonwealth’s, and contemptuous of Caesar should he “go mad.” Cicero records his own private flicker — the Homeric xunos Enualios, “Enyalios is impartial” (Iliad 18.309), his caveat against confidence in war — but says he was lifted, all the same, by hearing a brave man speak politikōs of the dangers of a sham peace. They read together the speech that Antony, as Caesar’s quaestor and tribune, had delivered before the assembly on the 23rd of December, an indictment of Pompey from boyhood, with menace of arms. The letter ends in self-disgust: Cicero owes Caesar money, and the dowry-apparatus he had earmarked for his triumph must now go to pay the debt. “It is an ugly thing to be debtor to one’s political opponent.”

What need is there to affirm so very strongly about Dionysius? Would not a nod from you carry conviction with me? But your silence had brought me the greater suspicion, both because you yourself are wont to cement friendships by your own testimonials, and because I was hearing that he had been speaking of me differently with different people. But that the case is just as you write you fully persuade me. And so I am toward him the man you wish me to be.
quid opus est de Dionysio tam valde adfirmare? an mihi nutus tuus non faceret fidem? suspicionem autem eo mihi maiorem tua taciturnitas adtulerat, quod et tu soles conglutinare amicitias testimoniis tuis et illum aliter cum aliis de nobis locutum audiebam. sed prorsus ita esse ut scribis mihi persuades. itaque ego is in illum sum quem tu me esse vis.
I had marked down your fever-day too, from a letter of yours which you had written at the onset of a slight attack, and had noticed that, things being as they are, you could come to me at the Alban villa without inconvenience on the third day before the Nones of January. But, I beg you, do nothing to the inconvenience of your health. What can be so much in a day, or two?
diem tuum ego quoque ex epistula quadam tua quam incipiente febricula scripseras mihi notaveram et animadverteram posse pro re nata te non incommode ad me in Albanum venire iii Nonas Ianuar. sed, amabo te, nihil incommodo valetudinis feceris. quid enim est tantum in uno aut altero die?
I see Dolabella, by Livia’s will, is among co-heirs in a third with two others, but he is being instructed to change his name. There is a civic problem here: whether it is proper for a young man of noble birth to change his name on a woman’s will. But that is more philosophical a question once we know how much, so to speak, lies in a third of a third.
Dolabellam video Liviae testamento cum duobus coheredibus esse in triente sed iuberi mutare nomen. est πολιτικὸν σκέμμα rectumne sit nobili adulescenti mutare nomen mulieris testamento. sed id φιλοσοφώτερον, cum sciemus quantum quasi sit in trientis triente.
What you supposed would happen — that I would see Pompey before I came up to town — did happen; for he overtook me at Lavernium on the sixth day before the Kalends. We went together to Formiae and from the eighth hour to evening conferred in private. As to what you ask, whether there is any hope of a peaceful settlement, so far as I could discern from Pompey’s long and careful conversation, there is not even the wish for one. He reasons thus: if Caesar, even on dismissing his army, is made consul, there will be a dissolution of the constitution; and he thinks moreover that, when Caesar hears that careful preparations are being made against him, he will neglect the consulship this year and will rather hold on to his army and his province. But if Caesar should go mad, Pompey was vehement in his contempt for him, and confident in his own forces and those of the commonwealth. What more would you have? Even though that line Enyalios is impartial kept recurring to me, still I was lifted out of my care to hear a brave man, experienced and of supreme authority, discoursing as a statesman on the dangers of a sham peace. We had moreover in hand the speech of Antonius delivered before the assembly on the tenth day before the Kalends of January, in which was an indictment of Pompey from the day he took the toga of manhood, a lament for the condemned, the threat of arms. “With these things,” Pompey said, “what do you suppose Caesar himself will do, if he has gained possession of the commonwealth, when his quaestor, weak and resourceless, dares to say such things?” In short, he seemed not merely not to be seeking that peace, but actually to fear it. He is moved, I think, away from that view of abandoning the City. What weighs most painfully on me is that the money is to be paid back to Caesar, and the apparatus of my triumph must be converted to that end. For it is an ugly thing to be debtor to one’s political opponent. But these things, and many besides, face to face.
quod putasti fore ut ante quam istuc venirem Pompeium viderem, factum est ita; nam vi Kal. ad Lavernium me consecutus est. una Formias venimus et ab hora octava ad vesperum secreto conlocuti sumus. quod quaeris ecquae spes pacificationis sit, quantum ex Pompei multo et accurato sermone perspexi, ne voluntas quidem est. sic enim existimat, si ille vel dimisso exercitu consul factus sit, σύγχυσιν τῆσ πολιτείασ fore, atque etiam putat eum, cum audierit contra se diligenter parari, consulatum hoc anno neglecturum ac potius exercitum provinciamque retenturum. sin autem ille fureret, vehementer hominem contemnebat et suis et rei publicae copiis confidebat. quid quaeris? etsi mihi crebro ξυνὸσ Ἐνυάλιοσ occurrebat, tamen levabar cura virum fortem et peritum et plurimum auctoritate valentem audiens πολιτικῶσ de pacis simulatae periculis disserentem. habebamus autem in manibus Antoni contionem habitam x Kal. Ianuar., in qua erat accusatio Pompei usque a toga pura, querela de damnatis, terror armorum. in quibus ille quid censes aiebat facturum esse ipsum, si in possessionem rei publicae venerit, cum haec quaestor eius infirmus et inops audeat dicere? quid multa? non modo non expetere pacem istam sed etiam timere visus est. ex illa autem sententia †i† relinquendae urbis movet hominem, ut puto. mihi autem illud molestissimum est, quod solvendi sunt nummi Caesari et instrumentum triumphi eo conferendum. est enim ἄμορφον ἀντιπολιτευομένου χρεωφειλέτην esse. sed haec et multa alia coram.

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Ad Atticum 7.8

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