Letter · 1 March 49 BC · in Formiano

Ad Atticum 8.11

Ad Atticum 8.11

Headnote

Cicero to Atticus, written from the Formian villa on the Kalends of March 49 BC (the manuscript dateline: Scr.\ in Formiano in K.\ Mart.\ a.\ 705 (49)). The most considered of the letters of this fortnight, and the one that brings the political crisis into contact with Cicero’s own philosophical work. With Caesar racing south through Apulia and Pompey poised at Brundisium to cross to Greece, Cicero turns back to De Re Publica and the portrait of the moderator rei publicae drawn there — the “ruler of the commonwealth” whose end is the prosperous and honourable life of the citizens — and measures the actual leadership of both men against it. Neither, he concludes, is governed by that goal; both want to reign. Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est.

Section 1 opens with the studied composure: he is agitated but not so agitated as Atticus thinks, and he is spending his time considering the figure of the ideal statesman “drawn out with sufficient care” in his own books. The quotation that follows is Scipio’s in the fifth book of De Re Publica — helmsman to a fair course, physician to health, general to victory, ruler of the commonwealth to the prosperous life of the citizens — and the “bringer-to-completion” of that work is the figure Cicero now no longer sees in Roman public life. Section 2 brings Pompey’s conduct into focus: not retreat under necessity but design from the first — to set every land and sea in motion, to bring in barbarian kings and savage tribes, to assemble the largest of armies. This is the genus Sullani regni (“Sullan kingship”), long the aim of many of those around him. Section 3 is the prophecy — not as a Cassandra-figure (“that one whom no one believed”), but by reasoned conjecture — an Iliad of evils [Greek: Ilias] hangs over Italy. Section 4 makes that vision concrete: Italy trodden underfoot next summer by slave conscripts gathered from every type. Sections 5–7 close on the daily business — Caesar’s letter, the younger Balbus’s mission to Lentulus, Pompey’s two careless letters which Cicero has answered with care and forwards in copy, and a request that Atticus send him the book of Demetrius of Magnesia “On Concord.” The closing line — vides quam causam mediter — shows where the writing has been tending all along.

That you think me thrown into a great agitation of mind — I am, certainly, but not so great as I perhaps seem to you. For all care is eased when either the deliberation has settled or thinking unravels nothing further. One may lament this matter, of course, whole days at a time; but I am afraid that, when I make no progress by it, I shall also bring discredit on my literary studies. So I am spending the whole of my time considering how great is the power of that man whom in my books I have, as it seems to you at any rate, drawn out with sufficient care. Do you hold in mind, then, that ruler of the commonwealth to whom we wished all things to be referred? For so in the fifth book, I think, Scipio speaks: as for the helmsman the favourable course, for the physician health, for the general victory, so for this ruler of the commonwealth the prosperous life of the citizens is the end set before him — that they should be firm in resources, rich in stores, ample in glory, honourable in virtue. It is of this work, the greatest among men and the best, that I wish him to be the bringer-to-completion.
quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem sed non tam magno quam tibi fortasse videor. levatur enim omnis cura cum aut constitit consilium aut cogitando nihil explicatur. lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies; sed vereor ne nihil cum proficiam etiam dedecori sim studiis ac litteris nostris. consumo igitur omne tempus considerans quanta vis sit illius viri quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio, ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo.
Our Cnaeus has never given this a thought before, and least of all in the present cause. Mastery has been the object of both men; the aim has not been that the state should be prosperous and honourable. Nor in fact did he leave the City because he could not defend it, nor Italy because he was being driven from it, but from the first he had this in mind — to set every land, every sea in motion, to stir up barbarian kings, to bring savage tribes into Italy under arms, to assemble the largest of armies. That kind of Sullan kingship has long been the object of many who are with him, and who want it. Do you suppose that no understanding could be reached between them, no compact made? It can be, today. But for neither of them is the goal skopos that we should be prosperous; each of them wants to reign.
hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea numquam tum in hac causa minime cogitavit. dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum beata et honesta civitas ut esset. nec vero ille urbem reliquit quod eam tueri non posset nec Italiam quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnis terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentis feras armatas in Italiam adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur multis qui una sunt cupientibus. an censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? hodie potest. sed neutri σκοπὸσ est ille ut nos beati simus; uterque regnare vult.
I have set this out briefly because you invited me to. You wanted me to show what I felt about these evils. So I prophesy prothespizō, my dear Atticus — not divining like that woman whom no one believed, but looking ahead by reasoned conjecture: “and now upon the great sea” — by no great margin, I tell you, can I miss in my augury. So great an Iliad of evils Ilias hangs over us. And our case, who are at home, is the more burdensome than that of those who crossed over with him by this, that they fear one man, we both.
haec a te invitatus breviter exposui. voluisti enim me quid de his malis sentirem ostendere. προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa cui nemo credidit sed coniectura prospiciens, iamque mari magno— non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari. tanta malorum impendet Ἰλιάσ. atque hoc nostra gravior est causa qui domi sumus quam illorum qui una transierunt, quod illi qui alterum metuunt, nos utrumque.
“Then why,” you say, “did we stay?” Either because we obeyed you, or because we did not run out to meet him, or because this was the more right course. You will see, I tell you, wretched Italy trodden underfoot next summer by slave conscripts gathered from every type, and [the levy] of which there is so much talk at Luceria is not so much to be feared as the universal ruin. So great I see will be the forces of both men in the colliding. There you have my reckoning. You, perhaps, were expecting some bit of consolation. I find nothing. Nothing more wretched than this can come about, nothing more ruined, nothing fouler.
cur igitur inquis remansimus? vel tibi paruimus vel non occurrimus vel hoc fuit rectius. conculcari, inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate †qaut utriusque in† mancipiis ex omni genere conlectis, nec tam †iptio† pertimescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, quam †universam† interitus. tantas in confligendo utriusque viris video futuras. habes coniecturam meam. tu autem consolationis fortasse aliquid exspectasti. nihil invenio nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius.
As to what you ask — what Caesar has written to me: the usual thing, that it is most gratifying to him that I have kept quiet, and he begs that I persist in this. The younger Balbus had the same charge. His journey, in fact, was to the consul Lentulus with letters from Caesar and the promise of rewards if he should return to Rome. But when I reckon the days, I think he will cross the sea before he can be met with.
quod quaeris quid Caesar ad me scripserit, quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse quod quierim, oratque in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem mandata. iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis si Romam revertisset. verum cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum quam potuerit conveniri.
I wanted you to be aware of the carelessness of Pompey’s two letters which he sent to me, and of my own care in the answer. I have sent you copies of them.
epistularum Pompei duarum quas ad me misit neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi notam esse. earum exempla ad te misi.
What Caesar’s run through Apulia here to Brundisium will produce, I await. Would it were something like the Parthian affair! As soon as I have heard anything, I shall write to you. You, please, write me what the loyal men are saying: their talk is said to be widespread at Rome. I know, indeed, that you do not go out in public; but still you must be hearing many things. I recall that a book by Demetrius of Magnesia was brought to you — the one I know was sent to you, “On” peri [concord]. I should like you to send it on to me. You see what cause it is I am meditating.
Caesaris hic per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat exspecto. utinam aliquid simile Parthicis rebus! simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad te. tu ad me velim bonorum sermones Romae frequentes esse dicuntur. scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen audire te multa necesse est. memini librum tibi adferri a Demetrio Magnete ad te missum scio περὶ. eum mihi velim mittas. vides quam causam mediter.

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Ad Atticum 8.11

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