Letter · 31 March 49 BC · Arpini

Ad Atticum 9.19

Ad Atticum 9.19

Headnote

Cicero to Atticus, written from Arpinum on the day before the Kalends of April 49 BC (the manuscript dateline: Scr.\ Arpini prid.\ K.\ Apr.\ a.\ 705 (49)). Three days after the interview with Caesar at the Formian villa, Cicero is at his birthplace among his townsfolk. The opening note is domestic and ceremonial: he has given his son the toga pura at Arpinum, “since we are kept from Rome” (quoniam Roma caremus), and the people of the municipium received it kindly. But the rite of passage opens onto the same view the rest of the letter takes: everyone along the road downcast and stricken, levies being held, marched into winter quarters, and a sense that the [Greek: anathe\=or\=esis] — the second look one takes at the enormity once the first shock is past — is grimmer than the first sight had been.

Section 2 is the resolution that the interview crystallised: he will set out to Pompey after all, not for the sake of a commonwealth he judges destroyed, nor with any real hope, but to keep himself clear of the charge of ingratitude and because he cannot bear to look at what is happening here. The dispatch by Servius Sulpicius Rufus of his son to attack or capture Pompey at Brundisium — alongside Pontius Titinianus — is called out with cold disgust: the son perhaps acted out of fear, “but the father?” Section 3 sketches the practical route: the upper sea (the Adriatic) is blockaded; he will sail by the lower (the Tyrrhenian); if Puteoli is closed he will make for Croton or Thurii; the sea itself, he writes with bitter inversion, will be his hostile country, since he and the other good citizens, lovers of their fatherland, can find no welcome on land. The mention of Egypt at the section’s close is the bleakest fall-back: “We shall take ourselves off into Egypt.” Section 4 closes with a gratitude to Atticus that is both real and forensic: the two pieces of counsel that bore — gravity at the interview and refusal to come up to the City — have both held. The unbroken Formiae diary of weeks is over; the next letter is from a man already turned, in his mind, toward the coast.

Since we are kept from Rome, I gave my Cicero his white toga at Arpinum, preferring it above any other place; and our townsfolk took it kindly. Yet I saw them, and everyone along my route, downcast and stricken. So grim, so savage, is the second look anatheōrēsis one takes at this enormous evil. Levies are being held, men are being marched into winter quarters. Even when these things are done by honest men, in a just war, with moderation, they are still troublesome in themselves; what bitterness, then, do you suppose they have now, when they are done by ruined men, in a civil and unholy war, with the utmost insolence? And don’t suppose, for that matter, that there is any unsavoury man in Italy who is not on this side. I saw them myself at Formiae, in a single mass — and, by Hercules, I had never thought them men at all. I had known them all, but had never seen them gathered in one place.
ego meo Ciceroni, quoniam Roma caremus, Arpini potissimum togam puram dedi, idque municipibus nostris fuit gratum. etsi omnis et illos et qua iter feci maestos adflictosque vidi. tam tristis et tam atrox est ἀναθεώρησισ huius ingentis mali. dilectus habentur, in hiberna deducuntur. ea quae etiam cum a bonis viris, cum iusto in bello, cum modeste fiunt, tamen ipsa per se molesta sunt, quam censes acerba nunc esse, cum a perditis in civili nefario bello petulantissime fiant! cave autem putes quemquam hominem in Italia turpem esse qui hinc absit. vidi ipse Formiis universos neque me hercule umquam homines putavi, et noram omnis sed numquam uno loco videram.
Let us go on, then, where the plan calls, and leave all that is ours behind. Let us set out to one to whom our arrival will be more welcome than if we had been with him from the first. For then we were in the highest hope; now I, at any rate, am in none. No one save myself has quitted Italy, except those who had thought of this man as their enemy. And by Hercules I am not doing this for the commonwealth’s sake — which I judge to be utterly destroyed — but to keep anyone from thinking me ungrateful to the man who relieved me from those troubles he had himself brought upon me; and at the same time because I cannot bear to see the things that are happening, or that will certainly come. By now, indeed, I think some decrees of the Senate have already been passed — if only on Volcacius’s motion! But what does it matter? For all the votes are one and the same. Servius, though, will be the most pitiless of them all — he who sent his son to crush Cnaeus Pompeius, or at any rate take him captive, along with Pontius Titinianus. Though this one acted out of fear; but the father? But let us cease grinding our teeth, and at last be sensible that nothing is left to us except — and this is what I should least have wished — the breath in our bodies.
pergamus igitur quo placet et nostra omnia relinquamus, proficiscamur ad eum cui gratior noster adventus erit quam si una fuissemus. tum enim eramus in maxima spe, nunc ego quidem in nulla; nec praeter me quisquam Italia cessit nisi qui hunc inimicum sibi putaret. nec me hercule hoc facio rei publicae causa quam funditus deletam puto, sed ne quis me putet ingratum in eum qui me levavit iis incommodis quibus idem adfecerat, et simul quod ea quae fiunt aut quae certe futura sunt videre non possum. etiam equidem senatus consulta facta quaedam iam puto, utinam in Volcaci sententiam! sed quid refert? est enim una sententia omnium. sed erit immitissimus Servius, qui filium misit ad effligendum Cn. Pompeium aut certe capiendum cum Pontio Titiniano. etsi hic quidem timoris causa, ille vero? sed stomachari desinamus et aliquando sentiamus nihil nobis nisi, id quod minime vellem, spiritum reliquum esse.
As for us, since the upper sea is blockaded, we shall sail by the lower; and if Puteoli prove difficult, we shall make for Croton, or for Thurii, and have the sea as our hostile country, we good citizens, lovers of our fatherland. I see no other way of carrying on this war. We shall take ourselves off into Egypt. We cannot match them in an army; for peace there is no faith.
nos, quoniam superum mare obsidetur, infero navigabimus et, si Puteolis erit difficile, Crotonem petemus aut Thurios et boni cives amantes patriae mare infestum habebimus. aliam rationem huius belli gerendi nullam video. in Aegyptum nos abdemus. exercitu pares esse non possumus; pacis fides nulla est.
But enough of these lamentations. Please give Cephalio a letter on every matter that has been done, and finally on what people are saying too, unless they have gone wholly silent. I have used your counsels, and chiefly in this — that I held the gravity at our meeting that I owed myself, and that I held out against going up to the City. As for what remains, write me, I beg, as carefully as you can (we are at the last extremities now) what you think the right course is, what your judgement is; though by now there is no place left for doubt. Still, if anything — or rather, whatever comes into your mind — write me, please.
sed haec satis deplorata sunt. tu velim litteras Cephalioni des de omnibus rebus actis, denique etiam de sermonibus hominum, nisi plane obmutuerunt. ego tuis consiliis usus sum maximeque quod et gravitatem in congressu nostro tenui quam debui et ut ad urbem non accederem perseveravi. quod superest scribe, quaeso, quam accuratissime (iam enim extrema sunt) quid placeat, quid censeas; etsi iam nulla dubitatio est. tamen si quid vel potius quicquid veniet in mentem scribas velim.

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