Letter · May 59 BC · in Formiano

Ad Atticum 2.16

Ad Atticum 2.16

Headnote

Cicero to Atticus, written from the Formian villa at the very end of April or beginning of May 59 BC. Caesar’s agrarian law has been carried at the start of the year; the news that has reached Cicero on his couch is that the Campanian land — previously kept as a state asset and exempted from the bill — is to be added to the distribution under a second law. Cicero turns it over the night through and writes §1 the next day in self-consolation: the Campanian land cannot support more than five thousand men, the rest of the urban populace will be alienated from the triumvirs by it, and the abolition of the tolls of Italy plus this distribution will leave only the inheritance-tax of one twentieth as Roman state revenue — which will be “bound to perish in one little public meeting.”

§2 is the most exuberant single paragraph of the letter corpus on Pompey’s transformation from constitutionalist to agent of the triumvirate. The Greek tag from Sophocles or some lost tragedian (“he blows now no longer with little pipes but with savage bellows without the muzzle”) sets the key. Cicero impersonates Pompey through the standard sophistic defences he has been giving (“he approved Caesar’s laws,” “the agrarian law pleased him,” “about Bibulus watching the sky”), then turns and addresses him as “Sampsiceramus” — the nickname Cicero adopts for Pompey throughout 59, after the petty Syrian dynast Pompey had reduced — demanding to know how he will defend taking the Campanian land too. The imagined Pompey replies: “I shall hold you down, crushed, by Caesar’s army.” Cicero answers that what holds him down is not the army but the ingratitude of the so-called good men, who have given him no thanks even in conversation.

The letter resolves with the famous philosophical choice (§3): Dicaearchus (Atticus’s man, the Peripatetic of the active life) and Theophrastus (Cicero’s man, of the contemplative life) are at odds. Cicero has, he says, given Dicaearchus full measure; now he turns to Theophrastus and resolves to “bend, our dear Titus, to those splendid pursuits, and go back at last to the place from which we ought never to have departed.” The famous turn from politics to philosophy at the doorstep of exile is here in skeleton.

The closing paragraph (§4) is on Quintus, whose latest letter is a Chimaera “lion in front, snake behind” — lamenting his Asian stay yet asking Cicero to correct and publish his annals — and on a practical question of the Asian transport-toll which the publicans (Pompey’s allies) are pressing.

On the day before the Kalends of May, when I had dined and was already going to sleep, that letter was delivered to me in which you write about the Campanian land. What more? At first it so stung me as to take away my sleep, but more by reflection than by trouble. As I thought it over, the following considerations occurred to me. First: from what you had written in earlier letters — that you had heard from one of his intimates that something would be brought forward which no one would disapprove — I had feared something larger than this. This did not appear to me of that kind. Next, by way of consoling myself: every expectation of agrarian generosity seems to have been turned aside on to the Campanian land — which, even at ten iugera each, cannot support more than five thousand men; the rest of the multitude must be alienated from those leaders. Further, if there is any one thing that can more vehemently inflame the spirits of the good, whom I see already stirred up, it is this — and the more so, since with the tolls of Italy abolished and the Campanian land divided up, what domestic revenue is left save the twentieth? which seems to me bound to perish in one little public meeting at the shouts of the slave-attendants of the leaders.
cenato mihi et iam dormitanti pridie K. Maias epistula est illa reddita in qua de agro Campano scribis. quid quaeris? primo ita me pupugit ut somnum mihi ademerit, sed id cogitatione magis quam molestia; cogitanti autem haec fere succurrebant. primum ex eo quod superioribus litteris scripseras, ex familiari te illius audisse prolatum iri aliquid quod nemo improbaret, maius aliquid timueram. hoc mihi eius modi non videbatur. deinde ut me egomet consoler, omnis exspectatio largitionis agrariae in agrum Campanum videtur esse derivata, qui ager; ut dena iugera sint, non amplius homines quinque milia potest sustinere; reliqua omnis multitudo ab illis abalienetur necesse est. praeterea si ulla res est quae bonorum animos quos iam video esse commotos vehementius possit incendere, haec certe est et eo magis quod portoriis Italiae sublatis, agro Campano diviso, quod vectigal superest domesticum praeter vicensimam? quae mihi videtur una contiuncula clamore pedisequorum nostrorum esse peritura.
Our Gnaeus indeed I no longer plainly know what he is thinking. “For he blows now no longer with little pipes / but with savage bellows without the muzzle.” — that he could even be brought to that point! For up to now he was sophisticating thus: he approved Caesar’s laws; for the actions Caesar himself must answer; the agrarian law had pleased him — whether it could have been vetoed or not did not concern him; concerning the king of Alexandria, he was pleased that the matter be settled at last; whether Bibulus was watching the sky at the time or not was not his to investigate; about the publicans, he wished to oblige that order; what would have happened if Bibulus had then come down to the Forum he could not divine. But now, Sampsiceramus — what will you say? That you have set up a tribute for us on Mount Antilibanus, and have taken away the Campanian land? Well? How will you maintain this? “I shall hold you down,” he says, “crushed, by Caesar’s army.” But, by Hercules, you hold me down not so much by that army as by the ungrateful spirits of the men who are called good, who have never returned to me any fruit or thanks, not only of rewards but not even of mere conversations.
Gnaeus quidem noster iam plane quid cogitet nescio. φυσᾷ γὰρ οὐ σμικροῖσιν αὐλίσκοισ ἔτι, ἀλλ’ ἀγρίαισ φύσαισι φορβειᾶσ ἄτερ qui quidem etiam istuc adduci potuerit. nam adhuc haec ἐσοφίζετο, se leges Caesaris probare, actiones ipsum praestare debere; agrariam legem sibi placuisse, potuerit intercedi necne nihil ad se pertinere; de rege Alexandrino placuisse sibi aliquando confici; Bibulus de caelo tum servasset necne sibi quaerendum non fuisse; de publicanis voluisse illi ordini commodare; quid futurum fuerit si Bibulus tum in forum descendisset se divinare non potuisse. nunc vero, Sampsicerame, quid dices? vectigal te nobis in monte Antilibano constituisse, agri Campani abstulisse? quid? hoc quem ad modum obtinebis? oppressos vos inquit tenebo exercitu Caesaris. non me hercule me tu quidem tam isto exercitu quam ingratis animis eorum hominum qui appellantur boni, qui mihi non modo praemiorum sed ne sermonum quidem umquam fructum ullum aut gratiam rettulerunt.
If I were to rouse myself to that side, I should certainly find some way of resisting. Now I have plainly settled this: since there is such a great quarrel between your friend Dicaearchus and my friend Theophrastus, that yours puts the active life ton praktikon bion far before everything else, and this one the contemplative ton theōrētikon — I shall be seen to have served the wishes of both. For I think I have given Dicaearchus full satisfaction; I look back now to that other family, which not only allows me to rest but rebukes me because I have not always been quiet. Wherefore let us bend, our dear Titus, to those splendid pursuits, and at last go back to the place from which we ought never to have departed.
quod si in eam me partem incitarem, profecto iam aliquam reperirem resistendi viam. nunc prorsus hoc statui, ut, quoniam tanta controversia est Dicaearcho familiari tuo cum Theophrasto amico meo ut ille tuus τὸν πρακτικὸν βίον longe omnibus anteponat, hic autem τὸν θεωρητικόν utrique a me mos gestus esse videatur. puto enim me Dicaearcho adfatim satis fecisse; respicio nunc ad hanc familiam quae mihi non modo ut requiescam permittit, sed reprehendit quia non semper quierim. qua re incumbamus, o noster Tite, ad illa praeclara studia et eo unde discedere non oportuit aliquando revertamur.
What you write about Quintus’s letter — to me also it has been “a lion in front, a snake behind …” prosthe leōn, opithen de — (Iliad 6.181). What to say I do not know. For he so laments his stay in the first verses that he could move anyone; then again he so loosens up that he asks me to correct and edit his annals. That which you write, however, I should like you to attend to: about the toll on the carriage. He says that, on the advice of the council, he has referred the matter to the senate. He had not yet, evidently, read my letter, in which I had written, after considering and exploring the matter, that nothing was due. If any Greeks have now come to Rome from Asia on this case, please see them; and if it seems good to you, show them what I think of the matter. If I can leave off, lest the best cause perish in the senate, I shall give the publicans satisfaction. If not (I shall speak with you frankly), in this case I am rather for all Asia and its businessmen; for it concerns them vehemently too. This much I feel: that the matter greatly concerns us. But you will see to it. As for the quaestors, please, are they doubting even about the cistophorus? For if there is nothing else, when I have tried all, I shall not despise even that last resort: we shall see you at the Arpinum estate and shall receive you with country hospitality, since this seaside hospitality you have despised.
quod de Quinti fratris epistula scribis, ad me quoque fuit πρόσθε λέων, ὄπιθεν δὲ —. quid dicam nescio; nam ita deplorat primis versibus mansionem suam ut quemvis movere possit, ita rursus remittit ut me roget ut annalis suos emendem et edam. illud tamen quod scribis animadvertas velim de portorio circumvectionis; ait se de consili sententia rem ad senatum reiecisse. nondum videlicet meas litteras legerat quibus ad eum re consulta et explorata perscripseram non deberi. velim si qui Graeci iam Romam ex Asia de ea causa venerunt videas et, si tibi videbitur, iis demonstres quid ego de ea re sentiam. si possum discedere, ne causa optima in senatu pereat, ego satis faciam publicanis; εἰ δὲ μὴ (vere tecum loquar), in hac re malo universae Asiae et negotiatoribus; nam eorum quoque vehementer interest. hoc ego sentio valde nobis opus esse. sed tu id videbis. quaestores autem, quaeso, num etiam de cistophoro dubitant? nam si aliud nihil erit, cum erimus omnia experti, ego ne illud quidem contemnam quod extremum est; te in Arpinati videbimus et hospitio agresti accipiemus, quoniam maritimum hoc contempsisti.

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