Letter · 27 July 43 BC · Romae

Ad M. Brutum 1.18

Ad M. Brutum 1.18

Headnote

Cicero to M. Brutus, written from Rome on 27 July 43 BC — Perseus dateline Scr. Romae vi K. Sex., a. 711 (43), confirmed by the closing subscript “vi Kal. Sextilis.” The meta entry’s year-precision placeholder of 7 November is wrong by more than three months and is corrected here. This is one of the very latest of Cicero’s surviving letters: he has under four months to live.

The setting is a private meeting at the house of Servilia, Brutus’s mother. Two days before this letter (25 July), Servilia summoned Cicero with Casca, Labeo, and Scaptius — the inner circle of Brutus’s friends in Rome — to consult on whether Brutus should be called back from the East with his army. Cicero gave the answer the meeting wanted: yes, at once, before the cause collapses. The grim picture of section 2 — the victorious consular armies that refused to pursue Antony after Mutina, and Lepidus declaring war on the state from a position of safety, wife and children intact — is the strategic background; the answer is Brutus’s eleven legions in Macedonia. The famous central section is Cicero’s confession of his anxiety about Octavian: he has gone surety to the state for a young man of pliant age surrounded by many ready to corrupt him, and he is no longer sure he can make good on the pledge. This is the same anxiety Brutus had diagnosed in letter 1.17 some weeks earlier, now seen from the other side.

The closing material is practical and personal. Section 5 names the structural problem of the war: tributum, the property-tax levied on Roman citizens that was supposed to fund the legions, has been shamelessly under-declared by the rich and is being swallowed up in legionary bonuses; the cost of supplying Brutus’s army and the others is now beyond what taxation will reach. Cassius’s army, by contrast, will arrive adequately funded. Section 6 returns to the case of Brutus’s nephews (the sons of his sister Junia by Lepidus, recently declared a public enemy): Cicero has already, before being asked, argued for the boys in the Senate, and tells Brutus so. Within days of this letter Octavian’s army would begin its march on Rome to extort the consulship; within five months Cicero would be dead in the proscriptions; within nineteen months Brutus would be dead at Philippi. The letter is among the last where the strategic horizon of the senatorial party is still intact on paper.

Although I had often urged you in letters to come to the rescue of the state as soon as you could, and to lead your army into Italy — and I judged that your own intimates did not doubt it — I was asked, by a most prudent and most attentive woman, your mother, all of whose cares turn back on you and are spent on you, to come to her on 25 July. This I did, as I was bound to do, without delay. When I had arrived, Casca was there, and Labeo and Scaptius. She brought up the matter and asked what I thought: were we to summon you, and did I judge it the right course for you, or would it be better that you should hold back and stay where you are?
Cum saepe te litteris hortatus essem ut quam primum rei publicae subvenires in Italiamque exercitum adduceres neque id arbitrarer dubitare tuos necessarios, rogatus sum a prudentissima et diligentissima femina, matre tua, cuius omnes curae ad te referuntur et in te consumuntur ut venirem ad se a. d. VIII Kal. Sextilis. quod ego, ut debui, sine mora feci. Cum autem venissem, Casca aderat et Labeo et Scaptius. at illa rettulit quaesivitque quidnam mihi videretur, arcesseremusne te atque id tibi conducere putaremus an tardare et commorari te melius esset.
I gave the answer I felt: that it would be most conducive both to your dignity and to your standing if you brought help at the earliest possible moment to a state that is slipping and almost on the point of toppling. For what evil do you suppose is absent from a war in which the victorious armies refused to pursue the fleeing enemy, and in which a commander who came through it whole — adorned with the highest honours and greatest fortunes, with a wife, with children, with you for in-laws — has declared war on the state? What am I to say in the face of so great an accord of Senate and people, when so great an evil sits within the walls?
respondi id quod sentiebam, et dignitati et existimationi tuae maxime conducere te primo quoque tempore ferre praesidium labenti et inclinatae paene rei publicae. quid enim abesse censes mali in eo bello, in quo victores exercitus fugientem hostem persequi noluerint et in quo incolumis imperator honoribus amplissimis fortunisque maximis, coniuge, liberis, vobis adfinibus ornatus bellum rei publicae indixerit? quid dicam in tanto senatus populique consensu, cum tantum resideat intra muros mali?
The greatest grief I was being afflicted with, as I was writing this, was that, having been accepted by the state as a guarantor for a youth, indeed practically a boy, I seemed scarcely able to make good what I had promised. For an obligation of mind and judgement is heavier and more difficult — particularly in matters of the highest weight, on another’s behalf — than an obligation of money. The latter can be paid off, and the loss to one’s estate is bearable; what one has pledged to the state, how can one discharge it, unless the man on whose behalf one pledged readily allows the payment?
maximo autem, cum haec scribebam, adficiebar dolore quod, cum me pro adulescentulo ac paene puero res publica accepisset vadem, vix videbar quod promiseram praestare posse. est autem gravior et difficilior animi et sententiae maximis praesertim in rebus pro altero quam pecuniae obligatio. haec enim solvi potest et est rei familiaris iactura tolerabilis; rei publicae quod spoponderis, quem ad modum solvas, nisi is dependi facile patitur pro quo spoponderis?
Yet I shall, I hope, hold on to him too, against the resistance of many. For he seems to have natural ability; but his is a pliant age, and there are many ready to corrupt him — who are confident that, with the false glitter of a sham honour cast in his way, the edge of a good intellect can be dulled. So this labour has been added to all the rest: to bring every device to bear to keep hold of the young man, that I may not face the reputation of rashness. And yet — what rashness is there? For I have placed the obligation on him for whom I went surety rather than on myself. Nor can the state regret that I went surety for him, who in carrying things through showed himself, both by his own natural ability and by my pledge, the more consistent man.
quamquam et hunc, ut spero, tenebo multis repugnantibus. videtur enim esse indoles, sed flexibilis aetas multique ad depravanduin parati; qui splendore falsi honoris obiecto aciem boni ingeni praestringi posse confidunt. itaque ad reliquos hic quoque labor mihi accessit ut omnis adhibeam machinas ad tenendum adulescentem ne famam subeam temeritatis. quamquam quae temeritas est? magis enim illum pro quo spopondi quam me ipsum obligavi; nec vero paenitere potest rem publicam me pro eo spopondisse, qui fuit in rebus gerendis cum suo ingenio tum mea promissione constantior.
But the greatest knot in the state, unless I am much mistaken, is the want of money. For day by day the good men’s ears grow harder to the word tributum; and what has been raised at the rate of one per cent on the shameless valuations of the rich is all consumed in bonuses for two legions. Boundless expenses now hang over us, both for the armies by which we are now defended and, with even more force, for yours. Cassius too, our Cassius, seems likely to come well enough equipped. But these matters, and many besides, I long to speak of in person — and as soon as possible.
maximus autem, nisi me forte fallit, in re publica nodus est inopia rei pecuniariae. obdurescunt enim magis cotidie boni viri ad vocem tributi; quod ex centesima conlatum impudenti censu locupletium in duarum legionum praemiis omne consumitur. impendent autem infiniti sumptus cum in hos exercitus quibus nunc defendimur tum vero in tuum. nam Cassius noster videtur posse satis ornatus venire. sed et haec et multa alia coram cupio idque quam primum.
About your sister’s sons, Brutus, I have not waited for you to write. The very crisis (for the war will be drawn out) leaves you with the case open and intact. But from the start, since I could not divine how long the war would last, I argued the boys’ case in the Senate in the way you can, I imagine, have learned from their mother’s letters. And there will never be any matter in which I shall not say and do, even at risk of my life, what I shall judge to be your wish and to bear on your interest. 27 July.
de sororis tuae filiis non exspectavi, Brute, dum scriberes. omnino ipsa tempora (bellum enim ducetur) integram tibi causam reservant. sed ego a principio, cum divinare de belli diuturnitate non possem, ita causam egi puerorum in senatu ut te arbitror e matris litteris potuisse cognoscere; nec vero ulla res erit umquam in qua ego non vel vitae periculo ea dicam eaque faciam quae te velle quaeque ad te pertinere arbitrabor. vi Kal. Sextilis.

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