Letter · 28 July 43 BC · in castris

Ad Familiares 10.24

Ad Familiares 10.24

Headnote

L. Munatius Plancus to Cicero, written from camp on 28 July 43 BC — Perseus dateline Scr. in castris v K. Sext. a. 711 (43), the date confirmed by the closing subscript “v.~K.~Sext. ex castris”. This is the last surviving letter of Plancus’s correspondence with Cicero, and one of the most clear- sighted political documents of the late summer of 43. By the time of writing, Plancus has joined his army to that of Decimus Brutus, ten legions are camped together in Gaul against Lepidus and Antony, and the situation is paradoxically the worst it has been: Octavian, on whose march north all the republican hopes turn, has stopped marching.

The arithmetic of the war is the heart of the letter. Plancus has three veteran legions in his own camp and one fine legion of recruits; Decimus Brutus has one veteran, one of two years’ service, and eight of recruits — a total “very large in numbers, but slight in reliability,” which is a candid admission for a commander to commit to paper. The Africanus exercitus, the four veteran legions from Africa under Q. Cornificius, is one of the two forces that could tip the balance; the other is Octavian, the closer and more obvious. Plancus has written, Furnius has been sent in person with letters and instructions, Octavian has assured him he is coming without delay — and then has turned aside to “other plans,” which Plancus identifies in section 6 with painful precision: the demand for a two-month consulship extorted from the city “with the utmost terror and in tasteless form.” That demand will be granted on 19 August. The triumvirate is two months in the future as Plancus writes; the bitter sentence “Antony is alive today, Lepidus is at his side, they have armies, they have hope, they dare — they can charge it all to Caesar’s account” is the clearest contemporary diagnosis of what is happening.

The personal frame is unsparingly careful. Section 1 is a courtly thank-you for senatorial attentions, qualified by the diffidence of a man who knows that the formal vote is the cheap currency he is forced to use; section 5 is the disclaimer that he, like Cicero, has been a friend to the young Caesar in good faith, on grounds Plancus is at pains to list (his intimacy with the elder Caesar; the young man’s moderate disposition; the propriety of treating an adopted son with the affection due his father’s friend). The complaint of section 6 is thus not the complaint of an enemy. It is the complaint of an ally writing for the record — “more in sorrow than in unfriendliness” — as the alliance between the Senate and its young Caesarian commander begins visibly to dissolve. Within a month of this letter Octavian would march on Rome; within four months Plancus, like Lepidus before him, would be in the triumviral camp; within five, Cicero would be dead. The Perseus text in section 3 carries an unresolved crux at “talis victoriae,” here preserved as “a victory of such a kind.”

I cannot help thanking you individually for each of your services and kindnesses — but by Hercules I do it with embarrassment. For neither does a tie so great as you have wished there to be between us seem to call for a formal vote of thanks, nor do I willingly discharge what I owe for your greatest benefits with so cheap an offering of speech; I had rather, present in person, by attention, indulgence, and constancy, give you proof that I remember. If life is granted me, in attentiveness, indulgence, and constancy I shall outdo all gracious friendships, and even the dutiful ties of family, in my devotion to you; for whether your affection and good opinion of me is to bring me more standing for ever or more pleasure every day, I could not easily say.
facere non possum quin in singulas res meritaque tua tibi gratias agam, sed me hercules facio cum pudore. neque is enim tanta necessitudo, quantam tu mihi tecum esse voluisti, desiderare videtur gratiarum actionem, neque ego libenter pro maximis tuis beneficiis tam vili munere defungor orationis et malo praesens observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate memorem me tibi probare. quod si mihi vita contigerit, omnis gratas amicitias atque etiam pias propinquitates in tua observantia, indulgentia, adsiduitate, vincam; amor enim tuus ac iudicium de me utrum mihi plus dignitatis in perpetuum an voluptatis cotidie sit adlaturus non facile dixerim.
You took the soldiers’ interests to heart; whom I — not for the sake of my own position (for I am conscious of meaning nothing that is not for the public good) — wanted to see honoured by the Senate: in the first place because I judged them to deserve it, secondly because I wanted them more closely bound to the state against all contingencies, and lastly so that, turned away from solicitation from any quarter, I might be able to keep them for you the same kind of men they have been so far.
de militum commodis fuit tibi curae; quos ego non potentiae meae causa (nihil enim me non salutariter cogitare scio; ornari volui a senatu, sed primum quod ita meritos iudicabam, deinde quod ad omnis casus coniunctiores rei p. esse volebam, novissime ut ab omni omnium sollicitatione aversos eos talis vobis praestare possem, quales adhuc fuerunt.
On our side we have kept everything here so far intact. This strategy of ours — though I know the appetite of men for a victory of †such a kind is not without its grounds — I hope wins your approval none the less. For if any setback should happen to these armies, the state has no large reserves ready to hand with which to withstand the sudden attack and brigandage of the parricides. I take it our forces are known to you. In my camp there are three veteran legions, and one of recruits which is, of all of them, perhaps the most magnificent; in Brutus’s camp there is one veteran legion, a second of two years’ service, and eight of recruits. So the army as a whole is very large in numbers, but slight in reliability; and how much it is safe to entrust to recruits in the line we have learned by experience too often.
nos adhuc hic omnia integra sustinuimus. quod consilium nostrum, etsi quanta sit aviditas hominum non sine causa †talis victoriae scio, tamen vobis probari spero. non enim, si quid in his exercitibus sit offensum, magna subsidia res p. habet expedita, quibus subito impetu ac latrocinio parricidarum resistat. copias vero nostras notas tibi esse arbitror. in castris meis legiones sunt veteranae.. tres, tironum vel luculentissima ex omnibus una, in castris Bruti una veterana legio, altera bima, octo tironum. ita universus exercitus numero amplissimus est, firmitate exiguus. quantum autem in acie tironi sit committendum, nimium saepe expertum habemus.
If to this strength of our armies either the African army — which is a veteran one — or Caesar’s were added, we should be entering on a decisive fight for the supreme stake of the commonwealth with an even mind; and we kept seeing that, as far as Caesar was concerned, he was somewhat the closer of the two. I never ceased to urge him to come by letter, nor did he break off assuring me that he was coming without delay — yet meanwhile I see that, his mind turned aside from this thought, he has fallen back on other plans. Even so, I have sent our Furnius to him with instructions and a letter, in case anything could possibly be achieved.
ad hoc robur nostrorum exercituum sive Africanus exercitus, qui est veteranus, sive Caesaris accessisset, aequo animo summam rem p. in discrimen deduceremus; aliquanto autem propius esse, quod ad Caesarem attinet, videbamus. nihil destiti eum litteris hortari, neque ille intermisit adfirmare se sine mora venire, cum interim aversum illum ab hac cogitatione ad alia consilia video se contulisse. ego tamen ad eum Furnium nostrum cum mandatis litterisque misi, si quid forte proficere posset.
You know, my Cicero, that as far as affection for Caesar goes I have a partnership with you in this, either because, on grounds of my intimacy with the elder Caesar, it was already a duty of mine to look out for him and cherish him while the father was alive, or because the young man himself, so far as I had been able to come to know him, was of a disposition altogether moderate and altogether humane, or because, after a friendship as marked as mine and Caesar’s, it does not seem to me dishonourable to hold this one — substituted, in his judgement and in yours, in the place of a son to that man — on a corresponding footing.
scis tu, mi Cicero, quod ad Caesaris amorem attinet, societatem mihi esse tecum, vel quod in familiaritate Caesaris vivo illo iam tueri eum et diligere fuit mihi necesse, vel quod ipse, quoad ego nosse potui, moderatissimi atque humanissimi fuit sensus, vel quod ex tam insigni amicitia mea atque Caesaris hunc filii loco et illius et vestro iudicio substitutum non proinde habere turpe mihi videtur.
But (whatever I am writing to you, by Hercules I do it more in sorrow than in unfriendliness) the fact that Antony is alive today, the fact that Lepidus is at his side, the fact that they have armies not to be despised, the fact that they have hope, the fact that they dare — they can charge it all to Caesar’s account. And I shall not go over earlier matters; but from the moment when he himself professed to me that he was coming, if he had wanted to come, the war would by now either be crushed, or pushed back into the corner of Hispania most hostile to them, at the cost of their heaviest losses. What thinking, or whose counsels, called him aside from glory so great — and indeed for himself essential and salutary — and turned him to dreams of a two-month consulship, with the city’s people in the utmost terror and his demand for it in tasteless form, I cannot work out.
sed (quicquid tibi scribo, dolenter me hercules magis quam inimice facio) quod vivit Antonius hodie, quod Lepidus una est, quod exercitus habent non contemnendos, quod sperant, quod audent, omne Caesari acceptum referre possunt. neque ego superiora repetam; sed ex eo tempore, quo ipse mihi professus est se venire, si venire voluisset, aut oppressum iam bellum esset aut in aversissimam illis Hispaniam cum detrimento eorum maximo extrusum. quae mens eum aut quorum consilia a tanta gloria, sibi vero etiam necessaria ac salutari, avocarit et ad cogitationem consulatus bimestris summo cum terrore hominum et insulsa cum efflagitatione transtulerit, exputare non possum.
In this matter his own intimates seem to me capable of doing much good, for both the state’s sake and his own; but most of all, as I imagine, you yourself, to whom he is in such debt for kindnesses as no one but myself. For I shall never forget that I owe you my greatest and most numerous debts. I have given Furnius instructions to press him on these matters. And if I have with him the influence I deserve, I shall have done him himself the greatest service.
multum in hac re mihi videntur necessarii eius et rei p. et ipsius causa proficere posse, plurimum, ut puto, tu quoque, cuius ille tanta merita habet, quanta nemo praeter me. numquam enim obliviscar maxima ac plurima me tibi debere. de his rebus ut exigeret cum eo Furnio mandavi. quod si quantam debeo habuero apud eum auctoritatem, plurimum ipsum iuvero.
We meanwhile are carrying on the war on a harder footing, because we judge neither that the issue is altogether easy to fight out, nor on the other hand that we shall, by drawing back, allow the state to take a greater loss. But if either Caesar reconsiders, or the African legions come up quickly, we shall make you, on this side, free of anxiety. As for yourself, I ask you to continue as you have begun — love me, and persuade yourself that you have me for your own. 28 July, from camp.
nos interea duriore condicione bellum sustinemus, quod neque expeditissimam dimicationem putamus neque tamen refugiendo commissuri sumus ut maius detrimentum res p. accipere possit. quod si aut Caesar se respexerit, aut Africanae legiones celeriter venerint, securos vos ab hac parte reddemus. tu, ut instituisti, me diligas rogo proprieque tuum esse tibi persuadeas. v. K. Sext. ex castris.

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Ad Familiares 10.24

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