Letter · June 43 BC · Cordubae

Ad Familiares 10.33

Ad Familiares 10.33

Headnote

C. Asinius Pollio to Cicero, written from Corduba in the last days of May or the first days of June 43 BC — Perseus dateline Scr. Cordubae vel ex. m. Maio vel in. Iun. a. 711 (43), a range deliberately left open because the letter itself reports the news of the Mutina battles as received only after a forty-day delay, and the chronology of Pollio’s dispatches has to be worked back from the date Lepidus detained his couriers. Pollio, governor of Hispania Ulterior with three veteran legions, is the southernmost commander on the republican side. He has just learned of the deaths of both consuls and of the destruction of the Martian legion; he has also been told — erroneously — that Octavian has fallen. The letter is a longer, more reflective companion to Fam.~10.32: where 10.32 was the sketch of Balbus’s outrages, this one is Pollio attempting, with elaborate care, to lay out his political position.

The position is the awkward one of a Caesarian who has been left, by accidents of distance and timing, on the senatorial side. The letter opens with the forty-day lag in news — Lepidus held Pollio’s couriers for nine days, which Pollio reports as a fact and explains by Lepidus’s wish to keep him in the dark — and circles back to it at the close. In between come the two main pleas. First: had the Senate’s recall, which brought Plancus and Lepidus into Italy, extended to him as well, the catastrophe at Mutina might have been avoided. Second: he could not move toward Lepidus without flattering him, given the letters Lepidus has been writing and the speeches he is said to have made at Narbo, because his supplies on the march would otherwise have been cut off; and he could not move freely on his own initiative without giving his detractors at Rome — who know his earlier friendship with Antony — the chance to read the move the wrong way. The recital of the Mutina news in section 4 is the longest connected piece of military reporting in the Pollio correspondence: it carries the news of Pansa and Hirtius dead, the Fourth legion cut to pieces after taking Antony’s camp, Ventidius joining Antony with three more legions, Parma sacked, L. Antonius across the Alpine passes. The report that Octavian has been killed is the one substantial inaccuracy; Pollio’s grief at it (“which, if it be true, and may the gods forbid, grieves me beyond measure”) is one of the more striking expressions of personal loyalty to the young Caesar that survive from the side of Cicero’s allies.

The closing sentence — “I wish neither to fail the commonwealth nor to outlive it” — is the formulation by which Pollio has been remembered. Within six months he would join Antony, then enter Octavian’s camp; he would survive both consulships and the proscriptions, and would be writing the history of the civil wars decades later. The Perseus dateline’s range (vel ex.\ m.\ Maio vel in.\ Iun.) sits awkwardly against the day-precision -0043-06-13 carried for this letter in the project manifest; the manifest entry likely wants relaxing to month precision or to a range spanning the last week of May into the first week of June. The salutation as transmitted, POLLIO CICERONI S.~N, is preserved verbatim from the Latin file — the standard expansion is salutem nuntiat, “Pollio sends greeting to Cicero,” though the reconstruction is not certain. The closing prayer di prohibeant (“may the gods forbid”) is here the wish that the report of Octavian’s death prove false.

If you are well, it is well; I too am well. Lepidus contrived that I should learn more slowly of the battles fought at Mutina, since he kept my couriers for nine days; though indeed, as for so great a disaster to the commonwealth, it is to be wished that one hear of it as late as possible — but only by those who can do no good and bring no remedy. And how I wish that by the same decree of the Senate by which you summoned Plancus and Lepidus into Italy, you had ordered me also to come! Surely then the commonwealth would not have taken this wound. As for those who at the present moment take satisfaction in it, on the ground that both the generals and the veterans of Caesar’s party seem to have perished, even so they must afterwards grieve, when they look back on the devastation of Italy; for both the backbone and the next generation of soldiers have perished — if what is being reported is in any part true.
S. v. h. e. e. q. v. quo tardius certior fierem de proeliis apud Mutinam factis Lepidus effecit, qui meos tabellarios novem dies retinuit; tametsi tantam calamitatem rei p. quam tardissime audire optandum est, sed illis, qui prodesse nihil possunt neque mederi. atque utinam eodem s. c., quo Plancum et Lepidum in Italiam arcessistis me quoque iussissetis venire! profecto non accepisset res p. hoc vulnus. quo si qui laetantur in praesentia, quia videntur et duces et veterani Caesaris partium interisse, tamen postmodo necesse est doleant, cum vastitatem Italiae respexerint; nam et robur et suboles militum interiit, si quidem quae nuntiantur ulla ex parte vera sunt.
Nor was I unaware how much good I could have done the commonwealth, had I come up to Lepidus; for I should have shaken loose every hesitation in him, the more so with Plancus to help me; but since he was writing me letters of the kind you shall read, and very like, no doubt, to the speeches he is said to have made before the troops at Narbo, I had to flatter him, if I wished to have the run of supplies as I made my way through his province. Besides, I was afraid that, if the battle should be over before I could complete what I had begun, my detractors would wrest my dutiful design into the contrary — on the score of the friendship I had with Antony, which was, nevertheless, no closer than what I had with Plancus.
neque ego non videbam quanto usui rei p. essem futurus, si ad Lepidum venissem; omnem enim cunctationem eius discussissem, praesertim adiutore Planco; sed scribenti ad me eius modi litteras quas leges et contionibus videlicet, quas Narbone habuisse dicitur, similis palparer necesse erat, si vellem commeatus per provinciam eius iter faciens habere. praeterea verebar ne, si ante quam ego incepta perficerem proelium confectum esset, pium consilium meum raperent in contrariam partem obtrectatores mei propter amicitiam, quae mihi cum Antonio non maior tamen quam Planco fuit
And so, in the month of April, from Gades, with two pairs of couriers put aboard two ships, I wrote both to you and to the consuls and to Octavian to inform me how I could best be of service to the commonwealth. But by my reckoning, on the same day on which Pansa joined battle, my ships set out from Gades — for after the winter there had been no sailing before that day. And by Hercules, far removed as I was from any suspicion of an oncoming civil disturbance, I had quartered the legions for their winter rest deep in Lusitania. Then again, each side was in such a hurry to clash that you would think they feared nothing worse than that the war should be composed without the very heaviest loss to the commonwealth. But if haste was required, I see that Hirtius did everything that the highest generalship could counsel.
itaque a Gadibus mense Aprili binis tabellariis in duas navis impositis et tibi et consulibus et Octaviano scripsi ut me faceretis certiorem quonam modo Nurimum possem prodesse rei p. sed, ut rationem ineo, quo die proelium Pansa commisit, eodem a Gadibus naves profectae sunt nulla enim post hiemem fuit ante eam diem navigatio. et ego me hercules longe remotus ab omni suspicione futuri civilis tumultus penitus in Lusitania legiones in hibernis conlocaram. ita porro festinavit uterque confligere, tamquam nihil peius timerent quam ne sine maximo rei p. detrimento bellum componeretur. sed si properandum fuit, nihil non summi ducis consilio gessisse Hirtium video.
The reports I now have written to me, and brought to me by messengers, out of the Gaul of Lepidus, are these: that Pansa’s army has been cut to pieces, that Pansa has died of his wounds, that in the same battle the Martian legion was wiped out, and L. Fabatus, and C. Peducaeus, and D. Carfulenus; in the Hirtian battle, however, both the Fourth legion and all of Antony’s troops alike have been cut down, and likewise Hirtius’s — the Fourth, indeed, after taking Antony’s camp as well, was cut to pieces by the Fifth legion; that there too Hirtius perished, and Pontius Aquila; it is said also that Octavian has fallen — which, if it be true (and may the gods forbid!), grieves me beyond measure; that Antony broke off the siege of Mutina dishonourably, but that he has five squadrons of cavalry, three legions in arms under the standards, and one of P. Bagienus’s, and unarmed men in good numbers; that Ventidius too has joined him with the Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth legions; that, if there is no hope in Lepidus, he means to come down to extremities, and to stir up not only the foreign tribes but the very slaves; that Parma has been sacked; that L. Antonius has seized the Alpine passes.
nunc haec mihi scribuntur ex Gallia Lepidi et nuntiantur, Pansae exercitum concisum esse, Pansam ex vulneribus mortuum, eodem proelio Martiam legionem interisse et L. Fabatum et C. Peducaeum et D. Carfulenum; † Hirtino is autem proelio et quartam legionem et omnis peraeque Antoni caesas, item Hirti, quartam vero, cum castra quoque Antoni cepisset, a quinta legione concisam esse; ibi Hirtium quoque perisse et Pontium Aquilam; dici etiam Octavianum cecidisse (quae si, quod di prohibeant! vera sunt, non mediocriter doleo); Antonium turpiter Mutinae obsessionem reliquisse sed habere equitum v legiones sub signis armatas tris et P. Bagienni unam, inermis bene multos; Ventidium quoque se cum legione vii, viii, viiii coniunxisse; si nihil in Lepido spei sit, descensurum ad extrema et non modo nationes sed etiam servitia concitaturum; Parmam direptam; L. Antonium Alpis occupasse.
If these things are true, none of us can hold back; none of us can wait to see what the Senate may decree; for the situation compels all who wish either the empire or even the very name of the Roman people to be preserved, to come to the aid of this great conflagration. For Brutus, I hear, has seventeen cohorts and two understrength legions of recruits which Antony had enlisted. Nor do I doubt that all who survive of Hirtius’s army will flock to him. From a fresh levy I think there is not much to hope, especially since there is nothing more dangerous than to give Antony breathing-space to consolidate. The time of year, however, gives me greater freedom of action, for the corn is either still in the fields or already in the barns. So in my next letter my plan shall be set out; for I wish neither to fail the commonwealth nor to outlive it. My greatest grief, all the same, is that the journey to me is so long and so hostile that everything is reported to me on the fortieth day, or later, after the event.
quae si vera sunt, nemini nostrum cessandum est nec exspectandum quid decernat senatus; res enim cogit huic tanto incendio succurrere omnis, qui aut imperium aut nomen denique populi R. salvum volunt esse. Brutum enim cohortis xvii et duas non frequentis tironum legiones, quas conscripserat Antonius, habere audio. neque tamen dubito quin omnes qui supersint de Hirti exercitu confluant ad eum. nam in dilectu non multum spei puto esse, praesertim cum nihil sit periculosius quam spatium confirmandi sese Antonio dari. Anni autem tempus libertatem maiorem mihi dat, propterea quia frumenta aut in agris aut in villis sunt. itaque proximis litteris consilium meum expedietur; nam neque desse neque superesse rei p. volo. maxime tamen doleo adeo et longo et infesto itinere ad me veniri, ut die quadragesimo post aut ultra etiam quam facta sunt omnia nuntientur.

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Ad Familiares 10.33

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