Letter · November 54 BC · in Tusculano

Ad Quintum Fratrem 3.5 (combined with 3.6 as the single SB letter 3.5b)

Ad Quintum Fratrem 3.5 (= 3.5+3.6 in Shackleton Bailey)

Headnote

Cicero to Quintus, written from Tusculum at the close of October or the beginning of November 54 BC. The letter that the older numbering presents as Q. fr. 3.5 is, in modern editions (Shackleton Bailey and the Teubner), the combined letter Q. fr. 3.5+6 or 3.5b; the seven sections preserved here are the surviving body of what was, in the Perseus text, two letters run together. The piece is the most important single document for the composition of De Republica, and one of the most candid private moments of Cicero’s literary career: the brother-correspondence hinge on which a draft was scrapped and the work as we know it was begun.

§§1–2 are the famous narrative. At Cumae in the summer Cicero had begun a dialogue on the constitution of the State, structured on the nine-day holidays (novendiales feriae) of the year of Tuditanus and Aquilius (129 BC), with Scipio Africanus the Younger speaking shortly before his death to Laelius, Philus, Manilius, P. Rutilius Rufus, Q. Tubero, and Fannius and Q. Mucius Scaevola (the latter two Laelius’s sons-in-law); the work was to be distributed over nine days and nine books, on the best constitution and the best citizen. Two books had been finished. But when those books were being read aloud at Tusculum with Sallustius listening, Sallustius advised that the matter could be spoken on with much greater authority if Cicero spoke in his own person, especially since he was not “a Heraclides of Pontus but a consular and a man who had been involved in the greatest affairs of state” — a distinct compliment from a sharp listener, and the moment at which the conversational dialogue of the Cumaean draft began to be reshaped into the work that came down to us in fragments. The reservation Cicero attaches at §2 is the one objection he could not get around in the new plan: he could not touch “the greatest movements of our State” (the consulate of 63, the exile, the return) since they were later than the lifetimes of his speakers; and he had been pursuing precisely that effacement, “so as not, by running into our own times, to give offence to anybody.” The compromise — speak in propria persona to Quintus directly, by way of a dedication — was the final shape of De Republica’s six books as published in 51.

The other movements of the letter are characteristic of the autumn 54 register. §3 is the Caesar note: the Gallic dispatches arriving in October contained remarkable declarations of love (Caesaris amor); the promises annexed to them Cicero takes more cautiously (non valde pendeo), “I do not thirst for honours nor do I yearn for glory.” §4, the densest paragraph of the letter, is the broken cry under the polished surface of the year: “I am tormented, my sweetest brother, tormented at there being no commonwealth, no courts” — and the beautiful Homeric self-quotation (Iliad 6.208), the line Glaucus’s father had given him at his arming, has gone down in him: “[Greek: Pollon aristeuein kai hypeirochon emmenai all\=on] — always to be best and pre-eminent above the others.” The final clause is the most affectionate single sentence in the brother-correspondence: only Caesar, out of all men, has been found to love him as much as he could wish — or, as others say, who would want to.

§5 records the political moment of the year: had Cicero defended Gabinius on Pansa’s urging, he would have been “finished” (concidissem), because all the orders that hated Gabinius would have transferred their hatred to his defender. The fact that Cicero in fact escaped the request and only gave testimony is what the previous two letters (Q. fr. 3.2, 3.4) have already established; here, with Sallustius’s reproof of Q. fr. 3.4 already received, Cicero adds the obverse note — defending would have been worse. The library note follows on Tyrannio (“dilatory”) and Chrysippus; the closing §7 is the affectionate flourish on Quintus’s four tragedies dashed off in sixteen days (Electra, Troilus, and Erigone, with a fourth not named): “do you really ask after [Greek: pathos] when you have written an Electra and a Troilus?” The closing [Greek: gn\=othi seauton] (“know thyself”) is twisted on the way out: it is not only about diminishing arrogance, Cicero says, but about knowing our own good things, too. The line is the period’s most concentrated expression of the two brothers’ working relation.

As to your asking what I have done about those books which I set about writing when I was at the Cumanum — I have not been idle, nor am I idle, but I have already several times changed the whole design and plan of the writing. For two books had been finished, in which there was a conversation set by me, in the nine-day holidays held under the consulship of Tuditanus and Aquilius [129 BC], between Africanus shortly before his death and Laelius, Philus, Manilius, P. Rutilius, Q. Tubero, and Laelius’s sons-in-law Fannius and Scaevola; and the discourse was distributed across nine days and nine books, on the best constitution of the State and the best citizen (the work was being woven up rather brilliantly, indeed, and the standing of the men was bringing no small weight to the speech); but when those books were being read out to me at Tusculum with Sallustius listening, I was warned by him that those subjects could be spoken on with much greater authority if I myself were to speak on the commonwealth, especially since I was not a Heraclides of Pontus but a consular and one who had been involved in the greatest affairs of state; what I was assigning to such ancient men would look fabricated; that in my books on speaking the conversation of orators I had removed gracefully from myself, but had referred it to those whom I myself had seen; and that, finally, what Aristotle writes on the State and the man of excellence, he speaks himself.
quod quaeris quid de illis libris egerim quos cum essem in Cumano scribere institui, non cessavi neque cesso, sed saepe iam scribendi totum consilium rationemque mutavi. nam iam duobus factis libris, in quibus novendialibus iis feriis quae fuerunt Tuditano et Aquilio consulibus sermo est a me institutus Africani paulo ante mortem et Laeli, Phili, Manili, P. Rutili, Q. Tuberonis et Laeli generorum, Fanni et Scaevolae, sermo autem in novem et dies et libros distributus de optimo statu civitatis et de optimo cive (sane texebatur opus luculente hominumque dignitas aliquantum orationi ponderis adferebat), ii libri cum in Tusculano mihi legerentur audiente Sallustio, admonitus sum ab illo multo maiore auctoritate illis de rebus dici posse si ipse loquerer de re publica, praesertim cum essem non Heraclides Ponticus sed consularis et is qui in maximis versatus in re publica rebus essem; quae tam antiquis hominibus attribuerem, ea visum iri ficta esse; oratorum sermonem in illis nostris libris, quod esset de ratione dicendi, belle a me removisse, ad eos tamen rettulisse quos ipse vidissem; Aristotelem denique quae de re publica et praestanti viro scribat ipsum loqui.
He moved me, and the more so because I could not touch on the greatest movements of our State, since they were later than the lifetimes of those who were speaking. I, however, had been pursuing exactly this in the first place, so as not, by running into our own times, to give offence to anybody. Now I will both avoid that and speak myself with you, and yet I will send to you, if I come to Rome, those books which I had begun. For I think you will conclude that I have left those books behind not without some vexation of my own.
commovit me, et eo magis quod maximos motus nostrae civitatis attingere non poteram, quod erant inferiores quam illorum aetas qui loquebantur. ego autem id ipsum tum eram secutus, ne in nostra tempora incurrens offenderem quempiam. nunc et id vitabo et loquar ipse tecum et tamen illa quae institueram ad te, si Romam venero, mittam. puto enim te existimaturum a me illos libros non sine aliquo meo stomacho esse relictos.
In the love of Caesar which he has written down to me at length I take a singular delight; in the promises which he holds out I do not greatly hang. I do not thirst for honours nor do I yearn for glory, and I look more for the lastingness of his goodwill than for the issue of his promises; yet I live in that round of canvassing and labour, as if I were expecting what I am not demanding.
Caesaris amore quem ad me perscripsit unice delector; promissis iis quae ostendit non valde pendeo. nec sitio honores nec desidero gloriam magisque eius voluntatis perpetuitatem quam promissorum exitum exspecto; vivo tamen in ea ambitione et labore, quasi id quod non postulo exspectem.
As to your asking me to make verses — it is incredible, my brother, how I lack the time, and I am scarcely sufficiently stirred in spirit for the matters you want sung. [corrupt] do you really, who in that whole genre of eloquence and expression have surpassed all men, ask me for what I do not attain to even in my thinking? I would do it all the same, if I could; but, as you do not at all forget, for poetry there is need of a certain alacrity of mind, which our times plainly snatch from me. I am withdrawing myself from every care of the State and giving myself to literature; but still, I will reveal to you a thing which, by Hercules, I had wanted above all to keep hidden from you. I am tormented, my sweetest brother, tormented at there being no commonwealth, no courts, and at this period of life of ours which ought to be flourishing in the senatorial authority being either tossed about in the labour of the courts or sustained by literature at home; while that which I had loved from boyhood — Pollon aristeuein kai hypeirochon emmenai allōn “always to be best and pre-eminent above the others” — has totally gone down; while my enemies have in part not been attacked by me, and in part actually been defended; while not only my spirit, but not even my hatred, is free; and one out of all has been found, Caesar, to love me as much as I should wish — or, as others think, this is the one man who would wish to. Yet of these things nothing is of such a sort that I cannot daily soothe myself with many a consolation; but that will be the greatest consolation, if we are together. Now to those other things even the longing for you is added, a most weighty consolation in its absence.
quod me de versibus faciendis rogas, incredibile est, mi frater, quam egeam tempore, nec sane satis commoveor animo ad ea quae vis canenda. † ΑΜΠΩΕΙΣ † vero ad ea quae ipse ego ne cogitando quidem consequor, tu qui omnis isto eloquendi et exprimendi genere superasti a me petis? facerem tamen ut possem sed, quod te minime fugit, opus est ad poema quadam animi alacritate, quam plane mihi tempora eripiunt. abduco me equidem ab omni rei publicae cura dedoque litteris, sed tamen indicabo tibi quod me hercule in primis te celatum volebam. angor, mi suavissime frater, angor nullam esse rem publicam, nulla iudicia, nostrumque hoc tempus aetatis quod in illa auctoritate senatoria florere debebat aut forensi labore iactari aut domesticis litteris sustentari, illud vero quod a puero adamaram, Πολλὸν ἀριστεύειν καὶ ὑπείροχον ἔμμεναι ἄλλων, totum occidisse, inimicos a me partim non oppugnatos, partim etiam esse defensos, meum non modo animum sed ne odium quidem esse liberum, unumque ex omnibus Caesarem esse inventum qui me tantum quantum ego vellem amaret, aut etiam, sic ut alii putant, hunc unum esse qui vellet. quorum tamen nihil est eius modi ut ego me non multa consolatione cotidie leniam; sed illa erit consolatio maxima si una erimus. nunc ad illa vel gravissimum accedit desiderium tui.
Had I defended Gabinius, as Pansa thought I should have done, I should have been finished. Those who hate him (and that means the whole orders, all of them) would have begun to hate me on account of the man on whose account they hate him. I have held myself in, as I think, splendidly — doing only that much which everyone could see; and in the whole sum of things, as you urge, I am turning myself strongly towards leisure and peace. About the books, Tyrannio is being dilatory.
Gabinium si, ut Pansa putat oportuisse, defendissem, concidissem. qui illum oderunt (ii sunt toti ordines), propter quem oderunt, me ipsum odisse coepissent. tenui me, ut puto, egregie, tantum ut facerem quantum omnes viderent; et in omni summa, ut mones, valde me ad otium pacemque converto. de libris Tyrannio est cessator.
I will instruct Chrysippus; but the business is laborious and requires a most diligent man. I myself perceive it, who, with the highest enthusiasm, get nothing accomplished. As to the Latin books, indeed, I do not know which way to turn; so faulty they are both in the copying and in the selling. Still, whatever can be done, I will not neglect. [corrupt] as I wrote you before, is at Rome, and those who [corrupt] declare [corrupt] that they have a strong account to render to you. From the treasury, I think, it has been settled in my absence.
Chrysippo dicam; sed res operosa est et hominis perdiligentis. Sentio ipse qui in summo studio nihil adsequor. de Latinis vero is quo me vertam nescio; ita mendose et scribuntur et veneunt. sed tamen, quod fieri poterit, non neglegam. † crebrius † ut ante ad te scripsi, Romae est, et qui omnia †adiurat, debere tibi valde renuntiant†. ab aerario puto confectum esse dum absum.
When you write that you have finished four tragedies in sixteen days, do you borrow anything from someone else? And do you ask after pathos (feeling) when you have written an Electra and a Troilus? Be no idler, and do not think that “gnōthi seauton” (know thyself) has been said only towards lessening arrogance, but rather so that we may know our own good things too. But I should like you to send me both those tragedies and the Erigona. You have my reply to your last two letters.
quattuor tragoedias sedecim diebus absolvisse cum scribas, tu quicquam ab alio mutuaris? et πάθοσ quaeris, cum Electram et Troilum scripseris? cessator esse noli et illud ’ γνῶθι σεαυτόν ’ noli putare ad adrogantiam minuendam solum esse dictum verum etiam ut bona nostra norimus; sed et istas et Erigonam mihi velim mittas. habes ad duas epistulas proximas.

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Ad Quintum Fratrem 3.5 (combined with 3.6 as the single SB letter 3.5b)

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