Ad Quintum Fratrem 3.1
Ad Quintum Fratrem 3.1
Headnote
Cicero to Quintus, written largely from Arpinum and Rome over the course of mid-September 54 BC. The letter is substantial — twenty-five sections — and was put together in stages over several days, with the couriers held up at Rome (§23: “as I have had the letter on hand for several days on account of the couriers’ delay, on that account many things have been gathered, one at one time, another at another”). Quintus is in Caesar’s Gallic command as a legate, and through the summer had been with Caesar in Britain (the second British expedition); he is now back on the Continent.
The letter falls into two parts. The first six sections are a tour of Quintus’s country properties: Arcanum, the Manilian villa with Diphilus the dilatory architect, the new Fufidian estate (101,000 sesterces) with its summer shade and water in plenty, the Lateran property with its public-work road, the Bovillan estate, and Nicephorus the overseer’s account of the philosopher-woman villa that “scolds the madness of the others.” §5’s topiary — “the cloaked Greeks themselves seem to be doing topiary and to be selling ivy” — and the cool mossy dressing-room close the estate-tour. The mode is the late-Republican landed gentleman’s correspondence on works in progress, intimate and competent.
From §7 the letter turns to Roman public business, organised as point-by-point replies to four letters of Quintus’s that arrived at staggered times. The chief material: the absent boy Cicero (whose education Cicero is overseeing, with the rhetor Paeonius?); Caesar’s growing “love” for Quintus, the running theme of the year; the tribunate sought for Curtius (granted by name, with Caesar’s gentle reproof of Cicero’s modesty in asking for so little); the Pro Scauro and Pro Plancio finished, the poem to Caesar abandoned for now; the resigned “but when shall we live?” (§12) under Quintus’s repeated urgings to canvassing. The Erigona of §13 is Quintus’s verse tragedy, sent for criticism. Two political reports are the heaviest material: Gabinius’s homecoming after the Syrian governorship, with three factions prosecuting him on maiestas and the universal hatred of the people nearly laying him low at the praetor’s tribunal (§§15, 24); and the consular elections of 53 BC, with the bribery-coalition Cicero refused to join (§16). Pompey’s pressure for a reconciliation between Cicero and Clodius is rebuffed: “so long as I shall hold any part of my freedom” (§15).
The most poignant thing in the letter is the news of Caesar’s grief. Julia, Caesar’s daughter and Pompey’s wife, had died in late August or early September of complications in childbirth (the infant son also died within days). The news reaches Cicero through Caesar’s own letter on 21 September (the moment is preserved at §17: “how distressed I am! How much I grieved at Caesar’s most charming letter; but the more charming it was, the more grief did that misfortune of his bring”). Cicero does not write back even by way of congratulation on the British campaign, because of Caesar’s bereavement. The political consequences would be enormous: the family bond between Caesar and Pompey, the only private hinge of the triumvirate after Crassus’s departure for Syria, was broken. Carrhae would follow within seven months.
The final flourish, at §24, is the planned embolium (mythological digression) in the second book of De Temporibus Suis, Cicero’s now-lost autobiographical poem in three books: Apollo in the council of the gods will speak of the homecoming of two imperators, “of whom the one had lost his army, the other had sold his” — Gabinius (Syria, who had let Crassus’s expedition begin in disrepair) and Piso (Macedonia, the war-imperium converted to plunder). The poem itself does not survive; this passage is the principal testimony for what its second book contained.